Advocacy

National Asian American Coalition Letter Led By Asian American Scholar Forum, Asian Americans Advancing Justice | AAJC, Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) & Stop AAPI Hate

September 14, 2023

A Coalition of 52 Asian American and Allied Organizations Oppose Reauthorization of Section 702 Without Comprehensive Reforms 

To: All Members of the U.S. Congress 

Date: September 14, 2023 

We, the undersigned 52 Asian American and allied organizations, write to you with a sense of  urgency and a shared commitment to safeguarding the principles of justice, equality, and privacy  in our nation. As Asian Americans and allies, we understand all too well the perils of unchecked  national security programs and the historical discrimination our community has endured. Our  shared history serves as a poignant reminder of the dangers of racial profiling and prejudice in the  name of national security. That is why we write to express our strong opposition to the  reauthorization of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act without comprehensive  reforms.  

Overview 

Our community is no stranger to the dangers of unrestrained national security programs. The Asian  American community has a long history of being treated as “perpetual foreigners” and scapegoated  as national security threats based on our race, ethnicity, religion, or ancestry. During World War  II, over 120,000 U.S. residents of Japanese ancestry were incarcerated in remote detention camps  in the name of “national security” in what was one of the darkest stains in our nation’s history.  The racist rationale behind this measure was concern that any people of Japanese descent,  regardless of whether they were citizens or children, were more prone to acts of espionage or  sabotage. Decades after the incarceration of Japanese Americans, Fred Korematsu, who was  incarcerated and challenged the executive order, warned: “No one should ever be locked away  simply because they share the same race, ethnicity, or religion as a spy or terrorist. If that principle  was not learned from the internment of Japanese Americans, then these are very dangerous times  for our democracy.” 

Yet history continues to repeat itself from the treatment of Arab, Middle Eastern, Muslim, and  South Asian (AMEMSA) communities post 9/11 to the current hate, violence, and bigotry against  Asian Americans. In the past decade, we have had programs within federal agencies that have  raised concerns and fears that race, ethnicity, national origin, and/or religious beliefs were being  used to profile and target Asian Americans, particularly Chinese American scientists, researchers,  and scholars. This intensified under the now defunct Department of Justice’s “China Initiative,”  which created a chilling effect on the Asian American community who feared that once again they  were being scapegoated as threats based on their race, ethnicity, and national origin.  

The lesson from these abuses is clear: Without rigorous checks in place, national security and law  enforcement officials may act based on prejudice rather than facts. The result is a system that  fosters bigotry and leaves Asian Americans open to abuse and as collateral damage. Even to this  day, we continue to be convenient scapegoats. One-third of Americans see Asian Americans as  more loyal to their perceived country of origin, and 1 in 5 Americans partly blame Asian  Americans for COVID. Racial bias and bigotry are a reality, and our communities need appropriate  checks and balances, transparency, and protection. Unfortunately, too many of the laws governing  national security surveillance give government officials nearly boundless discretion, leaving our  communities vulnerable.  

One such authority is Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which will expire  at the end of this year unless reauthorized by Congress. Section 702 allows the government to  acquire the communications of non-Americans located outside of the United States without a  warrant. But this surveillance inevitably sweeps in Americans’ communications as well, which  agencies such as the FBI, CIA, and NSA then search for—again without a warrant. The breadth  and scope of this surveillance, which amounts to warrantless access to billions of communications,  along with government agents’ “persistent and widespread” violations of the minimal privacy  safeguards they are required to adhere to under Section 702, demonstrate that the law is in dire  need of reform. 

I. Section 702 Surveillance is Overbroad and Overused 

Section 702 allows national security officials to target any non-American overseas for surveillance,  as long as a significant purpose of the surveillance is to obtain “foreign intelligence.” “Foreign  intelligence,” in turn, includes any information that “relates to … the conduct of the foreign affairs  of the United States.” This incredibly broad standard has led to a massive surveillance program.  Intelligence officials are currently targeting nearly 250,000 people and groups for surveillance  under Section 702. They collect any communications these individuals send or receive, even when  they are to or from Americans. 

Once it has collected information under Section 702, court-approved rules allow the government  to perform warrantless “backdoor” searches for Americans whenever it believes a search is  reasonably likely to return foreign intelligence or evidence of a crime. The government takes full  advantage of this low standard: Last year alone it conducted over 200,000 of these backdoor  searches—more than 500 warrantless searches for Americans’ communications every day. 

II. Government Officials Abuse Section 702 & Impact on Asian American Communities  

The reasons for concern do not stop with the volume of backdoor searches—though on its own  that is a shocking violation of Americans’ privacy rights. Just as troubling are the government’s  persistent abuses of the minimal standards that apply when agents seek to conduct warrantless  searches for Americans’ communications under Section 702. As low as these standards are — searches need only be “reasonably likely” to produce foreign intelligence or evidence of a crime — national security officials have repeatedly failed to meet them. 

Declassified court opinions and internal government reviews made public over the past five years  have revealed a litany of unlawful backdoor searches by government agents. These include  searches for the communications of visitors to FBI offices, participants in the FBI’s “Citizens’  Academy,” and even crime victims. Warrantless searches were also used to look for people’s  communications based on political activity, including searches targeted at a local political party,  19,000 donors to a congressional campaign, and more than 130 participants in racial justice  protests during the summer of 2020. Unsurprisingly, searches were also motivated by racial  animus: One search was conducted based on a witness’s report that two men of “Middle Eastern  descent” were loading cleaning supplies into a truck. 

Given the low -and easily manipulable standards that govern backdoor searches, Section 702  disproportionately puts the communications of many Asian Americans at risk and may be used to  pursue national security efforts that are driven by biased profiling. The Department of Justice’s  “China Initiative” subjected many Asian Americans to intense scrutiny for routine academic  activities, such as international scientific collaboration and sharing research results with colleagues  at institutions overseas. Even before the China Initiative, unjust investigations of Asian Americans  were taking place. The FBI frequently treated these investigations as “national security” matters,  and it conducts Section 702 backdoor searches as a matter of course in such investigations.  Researchers, who made for easy targets due to the public nature of their research, were denied  funding or charged with administrative errors and technical violations of disclosure requirements.  It destroyed researchers’ careers, resulted in life-long trauma for them and their families, chilled  scientific inquiry, and subjected Asian Americans to intense and unwarranted government  scrutiny. Moreover, it harmed U.S. leadership in science and technology, driving away talent from  our country and deterring Asian Americans from fully participating in our society, including  applying for federal grants or pursuing careers in STEM or within the federal government.  

Section 702 was used, most notably, to investigate an Asian American academic, Professor  Xiaoxing Xi, who was wrongfully prosecuted in the years leading up to the China Initiative. After  being arrested by the FBI at his home, where his wife and daughters were detained at gunpoint by  armed agents, Dr. Xi faced hours of interrogation and intrusive bodily searches. Although the  Justice Department dismissed their baseless indictment, the harm was done. Dr. Xi had endured  years of litigation and suffering and was left with lasting trauma for him and his family.  

Dr. Xi is not alone. 1 in 2 Asian American feel unsafe in the United States due to our race and  ethnicity. Given the volume of backdoor searches, the government’s practice of hiding its uses of  Section 702 through the practice of “parallel reconstruction,” and its perennial and baseless  suspicion of Asian Americans, Asian Americans, particularly those of Chinese descent, live in fear  of discriminatory targeting and heightened suspicion. In a study published by the Proceedings of  the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS), a prestigious peer reviewed journal, an astounding  67% of respondents cited US government investigations into Chinese-origin researchers as a reason for not feeling safe. This fear was extended to their family members, with 37% worried that  their family, friends, or collaborators would be targeted in retaliation for what they say. The result  is a chilling effect and an environment of fear where Asian Americans and their families are  concerned with being stopped, surveilled, or investigated doing normal activities like traveling  abroad, communicating with loved ones, applying for federal grants, entering leadership positions  at their place of employment, or even joining family members for crucial moments in their lives  like a wedding.  

III. Section 702 Is in Dire Need of Reform 

It is manifest that Section 702 is in dire need of amendment. Fortunately, lawmakers from both  major parties appear to recognize this fact, vowing not to reauthorize the law without “significant  reforms.” Here are three reasonable reforms Congress should enact to help ensure that government  surveillance programs are not used in a biased manner that subjects Americans to scrutiny on the  basis of race, ethnicity, or national origin: 

1. Require a Warrant to Access Americans’ Communications and Other Personal Data 

Congress should not reauthorize Section 702 without a requirement that the government obtain a  warrant before searching Section 702 data—or any other personal data obtained without a warrant  under foreign intelligence surveillance authorities—for Americans’ information. This would  require government officials to demonstrate to a judge either that they have probable cause to  believe a search for Americans’ communications will produce evidence of a crime, or that they  have probable cause to believe the target of the search is an agent of a foreign power. Congress  should also make sure the government cannot buy its way around the warrant requirement by  obtaining the same or similar data from data brokers. 

2. Bolster Judicial Review of Foreign Intelligence Surveillance 

The FISA Court, a secretive court that oversees the implementation of FISA, often hears only from  the government—and the government often submits inaccurate or misleading information to the  court. Congress should enact reforms that will increase the participation of “amici curiae” and  enhance the accuracy of the government’s submissions. Congress also should correct the Supreme  Court’s misreading of FISA by clarifying that federal courts may review surveillance materials in  civil cases, and it should prohibit the government’s use of “parallel construction” to avoid notice  obligations. 

3. Place Reasonable Limits on the Scope of Surveillance 

The current standards for surveillance under Section 702 allow intelligence officials to target  virtually any non-American overseas. Congress should ensure that surveillance under Section 702  and other foreign intelligence surveillance authorities is targeted at those individuals reasonably  likely to have information of genuine intelligence value.

Congress has the opportunity to help ensure that government surveillance is conducted in a manner  that is less biased and more just. We urge you to take advantage of that opportunity. Section 702  should not be reauthorized without a comprehensive overhaul of privacy protections for people in  the United States. Without these protections and transparency, Asian Americans and other  vulnerable communities will continue to be treated as collateral damage and live in an environment  of fear and suspicion. Already 78% of Asian Americans do not feel that they fully belong. Unless  we take action, our communities will continue to not feel welcome and safe in our country. 

Signed,  

AAPI Equity Alliance  

AAPI Victory Alliance  

Action Against Hate  

API Equality-LA  

ASATA - Alliance of South Asians Taking Action  

Asian American Academy of Science and Engineering (AAASE)  

Asian American Federal Employees for Nondiscrimination  

Asian American for Civil Rights and Equality  

Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF)  

Asian American Scholar Forum  

Asian Americans Advancing Justice - AAJC  

Asian Americans Advancing Justice - Asian Law Caucus  

Asian Americans Advancing Justice - Atlanta  

Asian Americans Advancing Justice Southern California  

Asian Americans Leadership Council  

Asian Law Alliance  

Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance (APALA), AFL-CIO  

Asian Pacific Partners for Empowerment, Advocacy and Leadership (APPEAL) 

Asian Student Alliance  

Asian Texans for Justice  

Association of Chinese Americans  

Aurora Commons  

Chinese American Citizens Alliance Portland Lodge  

Chinese for Affirmative Action  

Coalition of AAPI Churches Los Angeles  

Communities United for Status & Protection (CUSP)  

Empowering Marginalized Asian Communities  

Grassroots Asians Rising  

Muslim Advocates  

Muslims for Just Futures 

National Asian Pacific American Families Against Substance Abuse (NAPAFASA) 

National Asian Pacific American Women’s Forum  

National Council of Asian Pacific Americans (NCAPA)  

National Korean American Service & Education Consortium (NAKASEC)

OCA - Asian Pacific American Advocates  

OCA Asian Pacific Advocates - San Diego  

OCA Asian Pacific Advocates of Greater Seattle  

OCA Asian Pacific American Advocates—Pittsburgh Chapter  

OCA Columbus  

OCA Greater Chicago  

OCA Greater Cleveland - Asian Pacific American Advocates  

OCA Silicon Valley  

OCA-Central Virginia Chapter  

OCA-Greater Houston  

Restore The Fourth  

Rising Voices  

South Asian American Policy and Research Institute (SAAPRI) 

South Asian Public Health Association  

Stop AAPI Hate  

Tulane Association of Chinese Professionals  

Vincent Chin Institute  

Woori Juntos